Japan Urged by U.S. House to Apologize for Wartime Sex Slavery

いあん　慰安

日頃の労をねぎらって楽しませること。
「―旅行」

((seek)) consolation ((in)); ((give)) comfort ((to)).
慰安会　a recreation party.
慰安旅行　a recreation trip.
従軍慰安婦　a military comfort woman; a woman forced to provide sexual services to soldiers.

三省堂提供「EXCEED 和英辞典

米下院、従軍慰安婦問題で決議採択

　【ワシントン＝丸谷浩史】米下院本会議は30日午後（日本時間31日早朝）、旧日本軍によるいわゆる従軍慰安婦問題で日本政府に公式に謝罪を求め る決議案を可決した。本会議での可決は初めて。法的拘束力はない。ただ全下院議員の意思を表す決議だけに日米関係に微妙な影響を与え、参院選で敗北し、政 権基盤が弱まっている安倍晋三首相に打撃となることも予想される。

　決議は旧日本軍が「若い女性を『従軍慰安婦』として知られる性的奴隷」にしたと非難し、首相の声明による謝罪が望ましいとの立場を盛り込んだ。決議の採決は発声投票で実施し、出席議員から異議が出なかったため、可決した。

　決議案は今年1月末、カリフォルニア州選出のマイク・ホンダ議員が提出。安倍首相の発言などをきっかけに人権問題として米政界の関心が高 まり、共同提案者は当初の6人から、最終的には党派を超えて167人に達した。6月末には下院外交委員会が39対2の賛成多数で決議案を可決した。(10:20)

Japan Urged by U.S. House to Apologize for Wartime Sex Slavery

By Nadine Elsibai

July 30 (Bloomberg) -- The U.S. House of Representatives demanded Japan officially apologize for its role in recruiting as many as 200,000 women into sexual slavery before and during World War II.

By voice vote, the House approved a resolution calling on Japan's prime minister, Shinzo Abe, to publicly apologize.

``The government of Japan should formally acknowledge, apologize and accept historical responsibility in a clear and unequivocal manner for its Imperial Armed Force's coercion of women into sexual slavery, known to the world as `comfort women,''' the resolution says.

In 1993, then-Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono issued an apology after a two-year Japanese study concluded that the country's military was involved in forcing women to provide sexual services. The apology was never adopted by Japan's parliament.

Today's resolution ``speaks out for the victims of this monstrous system who were terrorized and brutalized by men at war,'' Representative Tom Lantos, chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, said on the House floor.

Abe caused controversy March 1 when he said no evidence exists to show the government and military were directly involved in the practice. He subsequently told Japan's parliament on March 26 that the government stands by the Kono apology, and he expressed sympathy for what the women went through.

`Voice' to Victims

Voters angered by government scandals handed Abe's party a major political defeat yesterday in elections for Japan's upper house. Abe said today he won't resign. ``I'm not going to just escape,'' he told a news conference.

Japanese historian Yoshimi Yoshiaki, in his 1995 book ``Comfort Women,'' estimates as many as 200,000 women from China, Korea, the Philippines, Taiwan, Indonesia and Burma served as sex slaves in 2,000 centers.

The House measure ``gives voice to these courageous women whom others have tried to silence through shame, bigotry and threats of further violence,'' Lantos said.

Representative Mike Honda, a California Democrat and chairman of the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus, introduced the resolution. Honda, 66, a Japanese-American, spent his early childhood in an internment camp in Colorado with his family during World War II.

A call to Japan's Embassy in Washington for comment on the House vote wasn't immediately returned.

A group of 44 Japanese lawmakers bought a full-page advertisement in the Washington Post on June 14 denying Japan's military forced the women into slavery.

Ambassador Ryozo Kato told the Kyodo news service on June 20 that the resolution isn't based on fact and passing it would be ``harmful for U.S.-Japan'' relations.

``To deny this tragedy is to allow it to happen again,'' Tom Davis, a Virginia Republican, said today.

To contact the reporter on this story: Nadine Elsibai in Washington at nelsibai@bloomberg.net

世界第一部 Sushi 機械人：お櫃型寿司ロボット

壽司發達史 Sushi Books

號稱世界第一部 Sushi 機械人：お櫃型寿司ロボット

2001年得 Good Design Award

www.g-mark.org/library/2001/kouhyou/a31.html

また、鈴茂器工の「お櫃型寿司ロボット」も単純明解なお櫃という外観からは想像できないメカニズムが隠されており、世界を席巻している日本の寿司ブームと相まって、日本からしか産み出せない日本型モノづくりの象徴として、良い意味で議論を呼んだ製品であった。

他們在2006年設立美國分公司 取得ISO 9000認證

www.suzumo.co.jp/.../introduction/history.html

Quality Management 2007年6月号

特集　ヒット商品を生み出す　燃える集団づくり お櫃型寿司ロボット
鈴茂器工(株)　代表取締役社長　小根田 育冶

Since our development of the world's first sushi robot in 1981, we, Suzumo, have been engaged in the development, manufacturing and providing of a wide range of sushi/omusubi (rice ball) robots and lunch box preparation system in pursuit of our goal of " Spreading the Rice Eating Culture to the World ".

We have since then contributed to the development of rice food business in both hard and software as an industry leader through our introducing of a variety of "original rice-idea food" to the rice food market. Of course, all of our activities are based on the company's outstanding capacity for technological development as a pioneer of Sushi Robot which recreates the techniques of sushi chef.

With our JASDAQ listing in 2003, we are now poised for the next stage of further dramatic growth in the development of new products that have not yet been introduced in the rice food market and take aggressive development of new rice food business on a global scale.

	Suggestion to New Rice Products

Japanese rice on Chinese shelves

1990年代初，DuPont Japan 的少數美國人和日本人來台灣出差，我有時會建議他們買台灣的米和烏梅酒等當回家禮物。因為這些物美價廉。

2000左右，台灣也很流行日本的烏梅酒，每罐約500元。

現在大陸新貴可能也以買東洋貨自抬身價。

這就是資本主義。

Japanese rice on Chinese shelves / Koshihikari, Hitomebore back in shops after 4-year ban lifted by Beijing

Akihito Teramura and Kazuta Umezu / Yomiuri Shimbun Staff Writers

Japanese rice displayed at a supermarket in Beijing on Thursday morning

Japanese rice went on sale again in Beijing and Shanghai on Thursday for the first time since 2003 as China's ban on imports of rice from Japan was lifted.

Although Japanese rice is more expensive than local rice, the Japanese producers hope that their rice will attract wealthy customers with its quality and safety.

The Japanese government plans to expand the country's exports of agricultural and fishery products to the 1 trillion yen level, more than double the current exports, by 2013, buoyed by the international popularity of Japanese food.

The resumption of rice exports is regarded as key to achieving this goal.

At Ito-Yokado's Yayuncun store in Beijing, Koshihikari rice from Niigata Prefecture and Hitomebore from Miyagi Prefecture went on sale Thursday.

A 50-year-old company employee rushed to the rice section when the store opened at 9 a.m. and bought nine two-kilogram packs of rice.

"I bought them because Japanese rice tasted very good when I ate it in Shanghai before. I'll eat it all myself, but if it's good I'll share it with my friends and relatives," the man said.

At the store, the rice was cooked and offered as samples for customers to taste. One shopper said, "I've never had better rice than this."

A two-kilogram pack of Koshihikari rice was on sale for 198 yuan (3,200 yen) while a two-kilogram pack of Hitomebore was priced at 188 yuan (3,008 yen).

On the other hand, locally grown rice is available for about 8 yuan, less than one-twentieth of the cost of Japanese rice.

In China, more than 200 million tons of rice are consumed annually while Japanese only eat about 9 million tons.

In urban areas of China, the number of wealthy people have rapidly increased, so experts believe that a potentially huge rice market exists in China if Japanese rice is accepted by the nouveaux riches as a luxury food and gift item.

However, there are other hurdles to overcome before Japanese rice is widely sold in China, apart from the high prices.

In China, Chinese versions of the Koshihikari and Hitomebore names have already been registered locally, so Chinese translations were not permitted on the packaging, which are labeled as "produced in Niigata Prefecture" and "produced in Miyagi Prefecture," rather than the descriptions familiar to Japanese consumers.

The Chinese government banned imported rice from Japan in 2003 due to quarantine problems concerning insects.

However, when Premier Wen Jiabao visited Japan in April, a lifting of the ban was announced.

On June 24, a consignment of 24 tons of rice was exported to China for the first time in four years from Yokohama Port.

===

Exports expanding

The Japanese government plans to increase exports of its agricultural and fishery products.

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said, "We'll break down the conventional idea that agricultural and fishery products are for the domestic market." He said he aimed to increase the exports from 370 billion yen in 2006 to 1 trillion yen 2013.

Japanese products are highly appreciated in other countries as they look beautiful and taste good, too.

Amid the recent global boom of health-conscious lifestyles, low-fat Japanese food has become popular, leading to the recent steady expansion of exports.

In Hong Kong and Taiwan, apples grown in Japan are seen as luxury gift items, with apple exports reaching 5.7 billion yen last year, a 7 percent increase from the previous year.

Japanese green tea is also popular in Europe and the United States, with exports expanded to 3.1 billion yen last year, a 45 percent increase over the previous year.

The export of Nagaimo or cinnamon vines, which are becoming popular in Taiwan and the United States as an ingredient in Chinese dishes in which Chinese herbal medicine is combined with conventional ingredients, was 1.8 billion yen last year, a 44 percent increase from the previous year.

The total exports of agricultural and fishery products increased last year by 13 percent from the previous year.

(Jul. 27, 2007)

Makoto Oda 小田実さん Citizens' strength on show

Citizens' strength on show as Oda finally rests

08/01/2007

Makoto Oda, who died Monday at the age of 75, was a writer with a strong presence. Known as a man of action, he co-founded Beheiren (citizens' league for peace in Vietnam) and actively led the antiwar movement during the 1960s. His death must have caused many people to feel that it was the passing of an era.

Philosopher and Beheiren co-founder Shunsuke Tsurumi invited Oda to take part in the movement without knowing him very well. "Like Aladdin's lamp, smoke rose from a bottle that I happened to pick up and a giant emerged," Tsurumi said, recalling his encounter with Oda. With a remarkable ability to get things done, Oda was responsible for the movement's growing influence.

What drove him was his experience of the firebombing of Osaka during World War II. He ran for his life amid falling bombs. He recalled feeling very shaken when he emerged from an air-raid shelter to remove the charred remains of victims.

He understood what agony was playing out under the smoke when he saw a photograph of U.S. forces bombing North Vietnam. In other words, he saw things from the perspective of the victims.

As a young man, he traveled around the world and wrote about his experiences in the 1961 best-selling book "Nandemo Miteyaro" (I'll go and see everything). There is an interesting episode in the book. The draft system became a topic of conversation at a youth hostel. When Oda said "Japan had thrown off such a barbaric system a long time ago," young people from around the world appeared enthralled. Such an experience led him to develop deep emotional attachment to Article 9 of the Constitution.

Although he was confined to bed with terminal cancer, Oda deplored Japan's current state of affairs saying the atmosphere is like that of prewar Japan. According to his family, it had become increasingly hard for him to speak in the last month. Still, he repeatedly said, "When politics is really bad, citizens take action."

As a citizen activist, Oda devoted his life to trusting "citizens." Coincidentally, he died the night citizens made a harsh judgment against the administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.

--The Asahi Shimbun, July 31(IHT/Asahi: August 1,2007)

小田實 (1932-2007)

作家の小田実さんが死去　国際的な反戦運動に尽力

2007年07月30日03時52分

　反戦、反核など国際的な市民運動に取り組んだ作家で、「ベトナムに平和を！市民連合（ベ平連）」元代表の小田実（おだ・まこと）さんが３０日午前２時５分、胃がんのため東京都内の病院で死去した。７５歳だった。自宅は公表していない。

小田実さん

　１９３２年大阪市生まれ。４５年の敗戦前日の８月１４日に大阪大空襲を体験、そこで目の当たりにして後に「難死」と呼んだ「無意味な死」への怒りが言論活動や市民運動の源泉となった。

　東京大文学部卒業後の５８年、フルブライト留学生として米国ハーバード大学へ。このときの体験とそれに続く欧州・アジア巡りをつづった１日１ドルの貧乏 旅行記「何でも見てやろう」（我將目睹這一切 1961年）がベストセラーに。飾り気のない文体と世界の人々と同じ高さの目線で向き合う姿勢が共感を呼んだ。

　６５年、ベトナム戦争に反対して哲学者の鶴見俊輔さん、作家の開高健さんらとベ平連を結成。米ワシントン・ポスト紙に日本語で「殺すな」と大書した反戦広告を掲載するなど、運動の支柱となった。

　ベ平連解散後も、執筆の傍ら政治問題と正面から向き合い、市民の側から発言を続けた。７６年には北朝鮮を訪問して当時の金日成主席と会見。８７年の東京都知事選では当時の社会党から立候補を打診され、断った。

　９５年の阪神大震災は自宅で被災。公的支援の貧弱さを身をもって体験、被災者支援法成立に尽力した。０４年６月、作家大江健三郎さんや評論家加藤周一さんらと、憲法を守る「九条の会」の呼びかけ人となった。

　小説では庶民の生活に根ざした素材と言葉で、心のひだへ分け入った。「ＨＩＲＯＳＨＩＭＡ」で８８年、第三世界最高の文学賞とされるロータス賞を受賞。９７年に川端康成文学賞を受けた「『アボジ』を踏む」は演劇にもなった。

　０７年春に末期がんがわかり、親しい知人に手紙で病状を明らかにしていた。著書「中流の復興」では、武器を売らぬ平和経済で繁栄したことが日本の誇りであり、その基盤となった中流層の復権を訴えた。

Oda, writer and peace activist, dies at 75

07/30/2007

THE ASAHI SHIMBUN

Makoto Oda, an award-winning writer whose disgust with war led to the formation of Beheiren (citizens' league for peace in Vietnam), died of stomach cancer Monday at a Tokyo hospital, his family said.

He was 75.

Oda was diagnosed with terminal cancer in spring this year. He died at 2:05 a.m.

Born in Osaka in 1932, Oda survived the great Osaka air raid on Aug. 14, 1945, a day before Japan's surrender.

Oda's anger at what he called "meaningless deaths" is believed to have been his source of energy to continue his writing and anti-war activities.

After graduating from the University of Tokyo's Faculty of Letters, Oda studied at Harvard University on a Fulbright scholarship in 1958.

He later traveled through Europe and Asia, restricting himself to spend only 1 dollar a day.

Oda wrote about his experiences in the 1961 best-seller "Nandemo Miteyaro" (I'll go and see everything).

In 1965, Oda established Beheiren jointly with other anti-war activists, including philosopher and critic Shunsuke Tsurumi and writer Takeshi Kaiko, to protest the Vietnam War.

While continuing to write after Beheiren was disbanded, Oda spoke up on political issues from the standpoint of a citizen.

In 1976, he visited North Korea to meet with then leader Kim Il Sung.

The former Japan Socialist Party in 1987 asked Oda to run in the Tokyo gubernatorial election, but he declined.

Oda was living in Nishinomiya, Hyogo Prefecture, when the Great Hanshin Earthquake devastated the Kobe area on Jan. 17, 1995, killing more than 6,000 people.

Having seen firsthand the slow government response in a time of disaster, Oda pressed for the passage of the disaster-relief law intended to help victims rebuild their lives.

Oda was also an inaugural member of the Article 9 Association, a group set up in June 2004 to protect war-renouncing Article 9 of Japan's Constitution. Other members include Nobel Prize laureate Kenzaburo Oe and critic Shuichi Kato.

In 1988, Oda won the Lotus Prize of the Afro-Asian Writers' Association, a literary award hailed as the best prize for writers in Asia and Africa, for his book "Hiroshima."(IHT/Asahi: July 30,2007)

John Dower: Miyazawa missed chance to redefine Japan

史家Dower對於Miyazawa 的遺澤的"印象"看法
對於外人 歷"代"首相其實差異很小
這是歷史之惰性

這篇訪問稿摘要當然可以從最後先看
它談到當局對於"慰安婦"事件的處理
是取悅國內政情之錯誤做法

INTERVIEW/ John Dower:

Miyazawamissed chance to redefine Japan

07/30/2007

BY TAKAAKI MIZUNO, THE ASAHI SHIMBUN

Former Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa who died June 28 was a political leader with a strong international vision, says John Dower, professor of history at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Although Miyazawa had the intelligence and originality to articulate a vision of a new post-postwar Japan, it, unfortunately, never happened, Dower told The Asahi Shimbun in a recent interview. Excerpts follow:

Q: As a historian, how do you evaluate Miyazawa?

A: When I think of him, there are two things that come into my mind. One is positive and the other is regretful. The positive impression goes back to when I was doing research on former Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida three or four decades ago, particularly concerning the San Francisco Peace Treaty and U.S.-Japan relations immediately after the occupation. I read a number of documents in the Japanese archives at the time, including economic negotiations in which Miyazawa played a role as an aide to Yoshida's emissary Hayato Ikeda. Miyazawa was a young bureaucrat and clearly extremely capable.

Shortly after that, I read Miyazawa's "Tokyo-Washington no Mitsudan" (The Tokyo-Washington secret talks). I was impressed with how frank and honest this book was in revealing the content of "secret discussions" between Japan and the United States and in calling attention to points of disagreement as well as agreement between the two countries. Miyazawa clearly was reading the same secret records I later encountered and summarizing them very accurately. This strengthened my impression of someone with solid knowledge of international affairs and unusual talents in both economic affairs and foreign languages.

Q: What was the second, less positive impression you mentioned?

A: When Miyazawa became prime minister in 1991, I wrote an op-ed essay for The Asahi Shimbun (Nov. 6, 1991, morning edition). This was an important moment in history. The Soviet Union had collapsed, the Cold War had ended, Japan had become a great economic power, and there seemed a chance to really make a better world. Thinking back on the end of World War II and the famous U.S. Marshall Plan for Europe, I expressed hope in this essay that Japan might now announce a clear "Miyazawa Plan" for Asia.

Japan was now in a position to really define its future role internationally in a way that established clear guidelines and would be appreciated by the rest of the world. Like the Marshall Plan for Europe, the vision I had in mind focused on Japan's economic role in the reconstruction and peaceful economic development of Asia. I also thought--or hoped--that Japan could build constructively the anti-militarist ideals embodied in the Constitution. I thought Miyazawa had the experience, intelligence and originality to articulate such a vision of a new "post-postwar" Japan eloquently.

But this never happened. He never really left such a clearly articulated vision and legacy. And so even today--16 years later--we still find Japanese politicians and pundits talking about the need to "escape the postwar."

Why Miyazawa failed to leave a distinctive political legacy, I can't say. Whatever the reason, I still feel this was a missed opportunity.

Q: How would you position the Miyazawa administration in postwar history?

A: Shigeru Yoshida was the grand architect of Japan's postwar policy--a policy that emphasized intimate relations with and dependence on the United States, along with a primary focus on economic rather than military power. And Miyazawa, of course, belonged to the so-called Yoshida School. This is a clear and powerful legacy and economic growth plus close U.S.-Japan friendship are obviously to be cherished.

At the same time, the Yoshida legacy that came out of the San Francisco Peace Conference had negative aspects. Yoshida bought into the Cold War. He never, for example, clearly and publicly acknowledged Japan's war crimes, particularly against the Chinese and other Asians. On the contrary, he took the opportunity of the Peace Conference in September 1951 to denounce the People's Republic of China.

And he never really spoke publicly of the danger of overdependence on the United States and its military machine--although privately he expressed reservations about America's Cold War fixation on military solutions.

By the time Miyazawa became prime minister, much had changed since Yoshida's time. Relations had been restored not only with South Korea but also with China. The Cold War was over. This really seems to have been a moment when a great statesman might have tried to truly settle old wartime grievances, redefine Japan's future role in Asia in the world, articulate clear policies concerning critical global issues, such as disarmament and the environment, and assert its identity as a close but genuinely independent ally of the United States.

Q: Miyazawa pushed the plan for the emperor's visit to China and proposed supportive measures during the Asian currency crisis. How do you see these achievements?

A: There are indeed progressive steps. But they don't really amount to the sort of boldly articulated policy I thought his experience, intelligence, originality and independent-mindedness might have made possible. Also looking at the disastrous U.S. pre-emptive war against Iraq, I wish Miyazawa had been able to end the notoriously prolonged "postwar" epoch by redefining Japan's role as a world leader devoted to nonmilitary solutions to world problems. I wish he had succeeded in articulating a sober and responsible kind of independence from Washington.

Q: How do you compare Miyazawa with Yasuhiro Nakasone?

A: I would guess that Prime Minister Nakasone is better remembered by many Americans than Prime Minister Miyazawa is. The reason for this is not flattering to Nakasone, however. What most Americans recall is Nakasone's nationalism. Visiting Yasukuni Shrine--always a big subject of critical discussion in the foreign media--is only part of this.

What really made a lasting impression in the United States was what Nakasone said at the height of Japan's economic boom, when he attributed Japan's success to the racial purity of the Japanese work force. He was widely quoted in the U.S. press at the time as having described non-Japanese populations as "mongrels"--a clearly contemptuous reference to the multiracial nature of the United States.

Nakasone was clearly a good friend of the United States but his kind of neo-nationalism had racial and military overtones that were counterproductive. To a certain degree, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's fixation on Yasukuni and constitutional revision seems to have perpetuated that impression in the eyes of many non-Japanese.

Q: Would you agree that Miyazawa was a kind of liberal conservative?

A: That is fair to say. True conservatism has a great deal to recommend it and Miyazawa was obviously deeply involved in Japan's development as a prosperous nation in which wealth has been quite equitably distributed. He had a strong international vision and to my knowledge he did not traffic with the crude racial nationalism to which other conservative leaders have descended.

Q: What do you think about Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's slogan for Japan to break away from the postwar regime? Is Japan moving backward?

A: I am very critical of the conservative and neo-nationalist trends in my own country, and it is disappointing but not really surprising to see similar trends in Japan. Prime Minister Abe made promising early attempts to improve relations with China and South Korea. The "comfort women" business has been a disaster for Japan in foreign eyes. This kind of nationalism obviously serves domestic political purposes. But it is self-defeating where global trust and respect is concerned and an affront to serious history as well.

* * *

John Dower is an American historian who specializes in modern Japanese history. He won a Pulitzer Prize for his book "Embracing Defeat: Japan in the Wake of World War II," which focused on Japan during the period of postwar occupation. He is also the author of "Empire and Aftermath: Yoshida Shigeru and the Japanese Experience, 1878-1954" and other books.(IHT/Asahi: July 30,2007)

Abe agonises

參院改選自民黨慘敗 安倍前途堪慮
　

7/29日本參議院大選結果揭曉，執政聯盟「自民黨」與「公民黨」不出外界預期，在這次改選中慘敗，喪失參院過半席 次；雖然自民黨總裁、也是現任日本首相「安倍晉三」表明不會辭職，但最大在野黨「民主黨」取得這次勝利後，不但首度成為參院最大黨，民主黨也宣稱下一步要 團結各在野政黨解散眾議院，促成日本政黨輪替。日本政局發展，值得密切注意。（葉柏毅報導）

如果把日本在二十九號的參議院改選，當做對日 本首相「安倍晉三」執政十個月的測驗，那麼顯然以安倍晉三為首的執政聯盟，考了個不及格，日本執政聯盟的自民、公民兩黨，失去了參議院的多數席次；雖然日 本內閣是以眾議院最大黨或最大聯盟組成的，但是參議院慘敗，卻是日本政壇重要的風向球，前日本首相「橋本龍太郎」，就是因為自民黨在1998年七月參議院 大選中落敗，而辭去自民黨黨魁與日本首相職位，因此日本執政聯盟這次參院選舉大敗，先不要說一心想要促成政黨輪替的在野黨「民主黨」了，日本執政聯盟內部 會產生什麼樣的變化，安倍晉三是否還能夠維持本身的領導威信，都值得觀察。

這次參議院改選讓民主黨士氣大振，民主黨更把話挑明了說，日本之後的政局發展，就是朝野對決；民主黨打算先取得參議院院長，掌握參議院主導權，再以參議院為基礎，動搖日本執政聯盟，進而促成儘早解散眾議院，再以這樣的氣勢，拿下眾議院多數，實現政黨輪替。

---

日本國會參議院選舉投票２９日舉行，在投票前進行的民意調查顯示，執政的自民黨選情不容樂觀。以下是關於日本參議院及選舉的簡單介紹。
參議院：在日本國會的參眾兩院中，參議院的權力沒有眾議院大，政府的預算和條約可以不經參議院批准，日本首相由眾議院選舉產生。參議院能否決眾議院批准的議案，在這種情況下，相關議案必須得到眾議院三分之二議員的支援才能獲得通過。
席位：日本參議院共有２４２個議席，議員任期６年，每三年改選一半。在２００４年７月舉行的參議院選舉中，自民黨和執政聯盟公明黨贏得了６０個席位，確保了在參議院中的多數席位。
選舉議席分配：參議院選舉分為小選區和比例代表選區兩部分，小選區由選民直接對候選人進行投票，而比例代表選區則是由選民對各政黨進行投票，並根據得票數多少，按一定比例給各政黨分配議席。在此次日本參議院改選的１２１個議席中，小選區和比例代表選區分別有７３個議席和４８個議席。
候選人：共有３７７名候選人參加此次參議院選舉角逐。其中，執政的自民黨推舉了８３名候選人，最大在野黨民主黨推舉了８０名候選人，其他政黨推舉的候選人共２１４人。
選舉勝負：聯合執政的自民黨和 公明黨現在參議院分別擁有１０９個席位和２３個席位。如果兩黨要想繼續控制參議院，必須在此次選舉中贏得１２１個改選席位中的６４席。如果公明黨的１３名 候選人全部獲勝，自民黨至少需要拿下５１個席位。從選前的民意調查結果看，執政聯盟要想取得這一成績，難度不小。
選民：根據日本政府公佈的統計數字，有資格參加此次參議院選舉的選民人數約為1.04億人。
投票率：2001年和2004年日本參議院選舉的投票率分別是56.4％和56.5％。在２００４年的選舉中，不同地區的投票率相差很大。（新華社電）

Minshuto hands LDP historic loss

07/30/2007

BY ROY K. AKAGAWA, STAFF WRITER
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, brought in as the election "face" of the Liberal Democratic Party, has bombed in his first major test, a failure that could cost him his job.

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe faces an uncertain future after the ruling coalition's drubbing in the Upper House election on Sunday. (THE ASAHI SHIMBUN)

Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) was coasting to victory in Sunday's Upper House election, pushing the ruling coalition into a minority position.
Early returns and projections from exit polls conducted by The Asahi Shimbun showed the LDP falling far short of the 64 seats it had up for grabs in the election.
Although the prime minister accepted responsibility for the LDP's defeat, he said he had no intention of resigning.
"I promised to carry out measures to build a new nation when I took office, and I feel it is my responsibility to fulfill that promise," Abe said in a televised interview.
The big winner in Sunday's vote was opposition Minshuto, which was on its way to finishing with the most seats in the Upper House of any party, according to early returns.
It would be the first time the LDP is not the largest party in the upper chamber.
Traditionally, the Upper House president is chosen from the party with the most seats. That would give Minshuto a tremendous advantage in preventing the ruling coalition from forcing the passage of its bills--a tactic often used in the previous Diet session.
Minshuto and the other opposition parties could not only block such legislation, but the Upper House president could also decide how sessions were handled.
The LDP's junior coalition partner, New Komeito, was unable to pick up the slack Sunday, falling in danger of failing to retain the 12 seats it had up for grabs.
Asahi exit polls indicated that not only did Minshuto win over unaffiliated voters, but it also cut into the LDP support base.
Voter turnout was about 59 percent, a slight increase from 56.57 percent in the 2004 Upper House election.
The other major opposition parties--the Japanese Communist Party, the Social Democratic Party and Kokumin Shinto (People's New Party)--did not capitalize on voter disgust of the ruling coalition to the same extent as Minshuto.
Minshuto chief Ichiro Ozawa had promised to retire from politics if he failed to drive the ruling coalition into the minority. The veteran political strategist will now turn his sights toward the next Lower House election, which could actually lead to a change in government because the chamber's selection of prime minister has precedence over the Upper House.
Before and during the campaign, Abe never said what number of Upper House seats would represent a win for the LDP. He also stopped short of stating that he would step down as prime minister if the ruling coalition failed to maintain its majority.
Although Hidenao Nakagawa, secretary-general of the LDP, and Mikio Aoki, head of the LDP's Upper House caucus, indicated they would step down, party members may demand more heads to roll.
Another LDP bigwig, Toranosuke Katayama, was headed for defeat Sunday.
The LDP faced the possibility of failing to match even the 44 seats it gained in its disastrous showing in the 1998 Upper House election. After that election, then Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto resigned.
Abe, 52, was elected LDP president last September mainly because he was considered the most popular politician capable of leading as the face of the LDP in national elections.
However, his youth was apparently not enough to overcome doubts by voters about his lack of experience and questions about his leadership abilities.
Perhaps the clincher for Minshuto was the emergence of about 50 million pension accounts whose rightful owners are not known.
Abe was also plagued by scandal from the early days of his administration. In the end, three Cabinet ministers had to be replaced within nine months, including Toshikatsu Matsuoka, the farm minister who committed suicide after being hounded about questionable office expenses.
Genichiro Sata resigned as administrative reform minister in a similar scandal. And Fumio Kyuma stepped down as defense minister after making a comment that seemed to legitimize the 1945 atomic bombing of Nagasaki.(IHT/Asahi: July 30,2007)
ＮＨＫなどの開票速報によると、自民党は１人区の多くで前職候補が敗れ、獲得議席数は橋本龍太郎元首相の退陣につながった１９９８年の参院選の４４ 議席を下回り、３０日午前１時５０分現在で３５議席にとどまり、公明党も目標の１３議席を下回る８議席となっている。特に勝敗を決すると見られていた１人 区では、四国４県で自民党候補が全敗したのを初め、与党惨敗の構図が浮かび上がった。これに対して民主党は、改選議席３２に対し、５９議席を獲得した。
安倍首相は２９日夜、ＮＨＫなどテレビのインタビューで、参院選の結果にかかわらず、今後も政権を担っていくとして続投の意向を表明。自民党の中川秀直幹事長は選挙での大敗を受けて安倍首相に辞表を提出。青木幹雄参院議員会長も引責辞任の考えを示した。
民主党では、鳩山由紀夫幹事長が同日夜、参院選で大幅に議席が伸びた理由について「２大政党政治への期待感が高まっていることが示された」と述べ、菅直 人代表代行は、安倍首相の続投表明を「国民の声に反する行動で、どこまでもつのか。（安倍氏の）政治家としてのあり方が問われている」と国民が安倍政権に 不信任を突きつけたとの考えを示した。

Abe agonises

Jul 27th 2007 | TOKYO
From Economist.com

Japan's ruling party is set for a drubbing

AFP

THE elections on Sunday July 29th for half of the seats in the upper house of the Diet (parliament) in theory have only an indirect impact on who governs Japan. In practice they are crucial test, and not just for the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its junior partner, New Komeito, which looks headed for a humiliating defeat. For the opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), the elections are a desperate last gamble. The party—a rat’s nest of unlikely bedfellows from right and left—has in the past missed so many opportunities to prove itself a viable alternative that even an overwhelming victory may bring it little closer to tasting real power. The fight has now got dirty. Grandees in the right-wing LDP this week began insisting that a vote for the opposition is a vote for North Korea.
The last time the LDP lost its upper-house majority, in 1998, the prime minister of the time, the late Ryutaro Hashimoto, resigned to take responsibility. Some analysts and LDP politicians predict the same fate for Shinzo Abe, prime minister since September. After all, many of the LDP’s troubles flow from public dissatisfaction with Mr Abe’s cabinet, which has had its share of scandals and gaffes; Mr Abe, meanwhile, seemed to have a tin ear—at least until recently—when it came to ordinary folk’s concerns about jobs, pensions and the like. In their campaigns, many LDP candidates running for the upper house have brusquely disowned their prime minister. Newspaper polls, admittedly hardly scientific, have the ruling party trailing well behind the DPJ.
Yet this week Mr Abe made it clear, through colleagues, that he does not plan to resign. Perhaps he can indeed hang on. After all, it is the lower house that chooses the prime minister, and there the LDP has a solid majority following a landslide victory in elections in 2005. As for the upper house, if the LDP falls just a few seats short of a majority, Mr Abe can possibly patch the gap by bringing into the coalition a handful of senators from other parties. A rather bigger loss of seats would increase the mutterings within the LDP against Mr Abe, but it would be a bold if not reckless politician to attempt regicide against a man determined to lead his party and country. On the other hand, a devastating defeat for the LDP, throwing into doubt any ability to govern, and Mr Abe would be hard-pressed to remain in office. But who then would relish replacing him?
As for the DPJ, it is aiming for an upper-house majority as a means later to challenge in a general election the party that has ruled for all but ten months since 1955. Yet even an outright majority will not fill some opposition members with joy. The party’s leader, Ichiro Ozawa, a street-fighter who built his career within the LDP before falling out with that party, has perhaps come into his own for this campaign. He has fielded a more vibrant bunch of candidates than the ruling party, and assiduously campaigned for them, particularly in the rural districts where the traditional LDP machine is no longer powerful. Under Mr Ozawa, the DPJ has thrown out many of its market-oriented policies and reinvented itself as the farmers’ friend and champion of the weak. He has promised to leave politics if the DPJ does not secure an upper-house victory.
That is what worries many of the party’s younger modernisers who have never been happy with Mr Ozawa. Indeed, Robert Feldman of Morgan Stanley points out, the need for Mr Abe somehow to find a majority might give DPJ rebels great leverage in negotiations over an alliance with the LDP. Mr Feldman describes it as the Kobayakawa factor*, after the general at the battle of Sekigahara in 1600 that brought the Tokugawa shogunate to power: Kobayakawa, in opposition, had arranged to defect with his forces in mid-fight, and his treachery turned the tide. Whether the tide in the affairs of Mr Abe can turn so easily is harder to imagine.

*Kobayakawa Hideaki (小早川秀秋, 1577–December 1, 1602)
早川秀秋（1582年—1602年12月1日)是日本戰國時代和安土桃山時代的大名。是木下家定的五子，曾經為豐臣秀吉和小早川隆景的養子。妻子是宍戶氏。

[编辑] 生涯

因為木下家定與豐臣秀吉有的關係﹙高台院是家定的妹妹﹚，在三歲的時候正式成為了豐臣秀吉的養子，後來正式命名為羽柴秀俊或羽柴秀詮。成為了小早川隆景的養子以後，改名為秀秋。在元服時所受的官位是「左衛門督」，唐名為「執金吾」，朝廷的官位為「中納言」，統稱「金吾中納言」。
在慶長之役中，明軍包圍蔚山城，與小西行長擔當支援行動。生涯的初次上陣，作為總大將秀秋做了很多輕率的行為(把女人，小孩錯當成敵人屠殺)，但是在戰鬥中，他手執長槍，向敵人衝向去，最後成功生擒敵將，十分英勇。但是因為秀秋的屠殺行為，秀秋被豐臣秀吉以筑後國沒有領地召回，當他聽到此消息大怒，後來認為是石田三成向秀吉說謊，於是開始親近德川家康。後來減封於越前的北之庄城。不過在1599年，德川家康可以讓他回復舊領地。
在關原之役中，原本打算跟隨德川家康，但是石田三成催促之下，參加了西軍。在伏見城包圍戰前線活躍，但是石田三成不太認同，再一次與石田三成不和。
到達關原戰場以後，關原之前戰開戰前的一天，西軍其中一個將領大谷吉繼向秀秋承諾，在豐臣秀賴十五歲以前，可以擔任關白一職和得到播磨、近江兩國合共十萬石的領地。
他率領一萬五千部隊在松尾山佈陣，當時秀秋已經成為了東軍的內應，不過開戰不久以後，戰況對西軍有利，宇喜多秀家擊退了福島正則的部隊，而大谷吉繼，則擊退了藤堂高虎的部隊。這個時候，而秀秋卻為加入東軍而猶豫。
之後，德川家康派遣使者送信，下令小早川秀秋攻擊，但是秀秋仍然沒有行動。終於，德川家康下令向小早川秀秋部隊開火，秀秋感到驚慌，於是秀秋有所行動，向大谷吉繼的部隊攻擊。雖然大谷吉繼預先估計小早川秀秋會叛變，但是因為雙方兵力差的開係，最後大谷吉繼自盡。而一部份西軍部隊，脇坂安治、小川祐忠等嚮應秀秋的行動，最後西軍迅速崩潰，終於東軍在關原之戰中取得了勝利。
後來參加對西軍殘留部隊的戰鬥，在佐和山城的攻略戰當中，也立下了不少的戰功，最後被德川家康移封於宇喜多秀氏舊領的備前和美作，合共五十五萬石。
但是在戰後，對西軍背叛的指責，甚至是對他的人身攻擊，精神受措，沉迷於酒色當中。不久，他的精神開始不正常，以為看見大谷吉繼的靈魂。最後，在沒有子嗣繼承下病死，小早川氏正式滅亡。是德川政權以來第一個因為沒有子嗣而改易的氏族。

職人

The Ape and the Sushi Master: Cultural Reflections by a Primatologist

The Ape and the Sushi Master: Cultural Reflections by a Primatologist
By FRANS DE WAAL

{類人猿和壽司大師：一個靈長動物學家的文化反思} 上海科學技術出版社，2005

評：Sushi 的 Master(職人或 chief)，中文就是師傅。跟大師沒關係。

『サルとすし職人──＜文化＞と動物の行動学』

　　　　　　　　　　フランス・ドゥ・ヴァール著纂、西田利貞・藤井留美訳、

　　　　　　　　　　原書房、本体2,200円

"職人"值得查詞典:

しょくにん　職人

a workman; a craftsman; an artisan.
職人気質　an artisan spirit.
職人芸　craftsmanship.

大工・左官・飾り職・植木屋などのように、身につけた技術によって物を作り出したりする職業の人。

主要的技術工人。清平山堂話本˙錯認屍：門首交賽兒開張酒店，雇一個酒大工，叫做洪三在家造酒。

かざり-しょく 3 【飾り職/▼錺り職】

金属を加工し、装身具や家具・建築物の飾り金具など細かい細工物を作る職人。飾り師。飾り屋。

うえき-や　うゑ― 0 【植木屋】

植木を売る店。また、植木の栽培・手入れ・造園などを職業とする人。植木職。

Wikipedia的 Sushi 職人 

他の和食と同様に、寿司職人も男性優位な世界である。寿司店においては、握り職人は男性であることを暗黙の条件としていることが多い。これはいわゆ る男尊女卑の現れであると考えられる。また、時には体力勝負の修行が必要となることや、男性中心の厳しい現場に女性が入ると、どんなに腕が優れていても獅 子身中の虫になりかねないとした理由によるものとされる。 実際に、依然として女性寿司職人を嫌う客や養成を拒む寿司店等が根強く存在する。しかしながら僅かではあるが回転寿司店等の大衆寿司店を中心に女性寿司職人の数も増えており、そういった職人達の立場を保護しつつ、性別に関係なく良い職人を養成しようとする声も高まってきている。いずれにせよマニキュアや香りを伴う化粧品を身につけることは厳禁である。

一人前の職人になる為には飯炊き三年握り八年と言われるように約10年の修行が必要と言われているが、別段法規的に資格が必要であるわけで はない。実際にはアルバイトやパート労働者によって握りの作業が行われることも多々あり、握り寿司の成形作業自体はほぼ正確に産業用ロボットに代替させる ことが可能である。しかしながら近年の研究で一流職人はシャリの中央に空間を作っていることが判明しており、これを機械で再現する技術は今のところ開発さ れていない。さらに、市場で生鮮魚類を見極めるには相当量の技量と熟練が必要とされる。また、店の経営、後進の教育や外部とのかかわりなど、寿司の調理以 外の面の成長の必要性もあり、一流の職人になるという意味ではある程度長い修行が必要であると言える。

日本百貨公司一頁

前幾年，讀英國零售業發展史。當時在網路上竟然也可以讀到日本的發展史。

底下的沒說Mitsukoshi Ltd. /三越之海外發展史（「Since 1673」等是我加的）。

其實，它沒有說亞洲各地過去百年來，在衣物上是經過大革命：日本人還保留他們的東西在特殊場合使用。漢民族幾乎完全忘本。

Competing kimono patterns set to join forces

07/27/2007

During the third decade of the Meiji Era (1868-1912), Tokyo stores selling fabrics used to make kimono were virtually at war. The venerable Mitsui Gofukuten (now Mitsukoshi Ltd. /三越 Since 1673 ) opened a dye factory in Kyoto Prefecture to produce a classic pattern called genroku moyo.

Competing against Mitsui was the new Iseya Tanji Gofukuten (now Isetan Co. 伊勢丹), which was promoting its goshuden moyo pattern, inspired by designs from the Heian Period (794-1185).

Iseya persuaded geisha from Tokyo's Yanagibashi district to wear kimono made of goshuden moyo for their grand performances, and promoted the pattern at the annual fireworks festival in Tokyo's Ryogoku district.

A passage from Isetan's 100-year corporate history book reads: "Thanks to the success of the goshuden moyo, Isetan began to attract public attention and gained recognition as a quality kimono merchant, thus challenging the great Mitsui Gofukuten."

Now in their third century of competition, Mitsukoshi and Isetan have started negotiations on forming a capital alliance with an eye to integrating their managements. Such a merger would create the nation's largest department store group, combining Mitsukoshi's brand name and upmarket clientele with Isetan's flair for merchandising and earning power.

Mitsukoshi was Japan's first department store. About 100 years ago, it ran its "department store declaration" in the major newspapers to proclaim the fact.

A Mitsukoshi advertising poster showed a geisha in genroku-moyo kimono and lists merchandise available, including "European and American fashion apparel." The apparel are now Isetan's specialty today. Nothing is permanent in this world.

Sales declines are forcing massive reorganization in the department store industry. In recent years, Sogo Co. and Seibu Department Stores Ltd. merged; Daimaru Inc. and Matsuzakaya Holdings Co. have announced they will merge in September; and Hankyu Department Stores Inc. and Hanshin Department Store Ltd. will do the same in October.

So the old adage rings true: "Yesterday's enemy is today's friend." The department store map is being redrawn.

Like a garden vibrant with all kinds of bright flowers, the department store industry used to be a lively place where operators competed to set trends and introduce the latest fashions to consumers. Can these two venerable companies merge to improve the business situation?

--The Asahi Shimbun, July 26(IHT/Asahi: July 27,2007)

NHK

20年前我到日本AMP公司實習。我跟日本同事說，我比較常看的電視台是NHK。他們都大呼不可思議：誰還看那些嚴肅主題的節目…人生何必…..

後來台灣流行一陣小耳朵，裝設的人都說太值得（譬如說 喜歡運動轉播的名作家們都撰過文…）

不知怎回事，它竟然被有線電視收編。

（約2004我看他們以古詩表演教小孩日本語之韻律…..）

再10年（2007），有的還不收NHK了呢。

我趁機將文山第三台停播了！

road maps for reform and turnaround

EDITORIAL: NHK fee cuts

07/28/2007

Any time a store cuts its prices, customers are bound to be pleased. But in the case of Japan Broadcasting Corp. (NHK), we have to wonder what is going on. It seems strange that NHK is considering lowering its fees for the first time, given the dire financial crunch it faces. This was brought on by the refusal of many TV viewers to pay fees as a mark of protest over a series of embezzlement scandals at NHK. It would appear there is political maneuvering behind the scenes.

Yoshihide Suga, minister of internal affairs and communications, told NHK that if it cut fees by around 20 percent the government would agree to pass legislation to make payment of fees mandatory, thus raising the prospect of a higher collection rate.

Under the ministry's trial calculations, the mandatory payments system would raise the collection rate in five years to 80-85 percent from the current 70 percent, pushing annual revenues by 75 billion yen to 120 billion yen.

NHK President Genichi Hashimoto seemed reluctant to agree to a 20-percent cut. Clearly, though, he realized Suga would not be satisfied if NHK did not offer any cut. Hashimoto made several proposals on the issue to NHK's management committee, the company's highest decision-making body.

NHK plans to incorporate the committee's conclusions into its five-year management plan starting in fiscal 2008.

The coming fee cuts will likely be in the range of several percent to 10 percent at most for savings of between 50 yen and 100 yen per month. Even within NHK, doubts are being voiced about this plan. "Certainly, fee cuts of even 100 yen or 200 yen a month are a far cry from what the public has been demanding." "Any move will only be significant if it includes a major rate slash." This kind of talk comes from none other than Shigetaka Komori, the new chairman of the NHK management committee.

But even more serious problems are at work here. NHK, after all, is an organization that inevitably is scrutinized to ensure it maintains a proper distance from political circles. But if it turns out that NHK is cutting viewer fees because of political pressure, viewer distrust could soar to even greater heights. This is a genuine source of concern.

Another oddity about this talk of fee cuts is that the scenario is playing out while other radical reforms, streamlining the organization, for example, seem to be consigned to the wayside.

With the inclusion of radio and satellite broadcasting, NHK currently operates eight channels. The total income of NHK-related entities is on a par with that of a key commercial TV stations.

Among the swelling number of programs produced by NHK, we have doubts that some really deserve to stay on the airwaves through viewer-fee funding. Many NHK programs differ little from those of private broadcasters. While such an approach may have been more acceptable in the era when the capacity of commercial channels was weak, today there is a need to rethink the true meaning of public broadcasting.

Over the five-year span of the coming management plan, TV stations will end analog broadcasts and shift to the digital mode. Thus, there is a pressing need to define the division of roles between NHK and private broadcasters in the digital age.

NHK needs to narrow its programming to selections that are truly suitable for public broadcasting. Based on that stance, it could reduce its network by, say, three channels or so. Such a move could in fact make it possible to implement "a major rate slash."

The new management plan is a golden opportunity for NHK to draw up a road map of reform and start afresh. Before politicians or government officials start meddling, NHK needs to embark on its own bold reform vision. In the absence of such efforts, the organization will never gain the status of "everyone's NHK."

--The Asahi Shimbun, July 27(IHT/Asahi: July 28,2007)

鎌倉

鎌倉

我小孩的時候（約1960），就看過「鎌倉大佛」的圖片。

我一直將它的比例想成與彰化市八卦山的大佛類似（我們坐海線鐵路，它是彰化附近的地標）。

80年代中，我親訪「鎌倉大佛」，頗為震憾：那比例、那精緻、那親切，遠比彰化的令人感動。

1986-93我多次參訪鎌倉。開始的時候，妻在橫濱國大讀書。

日本鐵路發達，鎌倉很容易接達。

姑且不說佛教遺產，那兒的氣候、風土和人文資源，都是寶貴得很。在日麗風和中，我參觀過川端康成先生的文物展。在蟬鳴中，走過他小說中的大覺寺（之後，知道陸續有許多文藝人士歸葬於斯）….93年我夜訪.建長寺，在黑夜中飽受震憾….

買過一些「鎌倉彫」，多遺失。

吃過一些當地土產，多忘記味道。

我每每在黃昏時候的鐵道小站等車，感到天地悠悠。

許多年之後，我才恍然大悟：「鎌倉」可能最早意思為「鎌」之「倉」：了解一下為什麼「鎌（刀）」在日本文化中的重要角色。【猜想】

かまくら-ぼり ₀ 【^▼鎌倉彫】

漆器の一種。ヒノキ・カツラ・ホオノキなどの木地に、種々の彫刻をして直接黒漆を塗り、その上に朱や青・黄などの色漆を塗って仕上げたもの。鎌倉時代に宋の陳和卿(ちんなけい)がもたらした紅花緑葉(こうかりよくよう)をまねて仏師康運（康円とも）が仏具を作ったのに始まると伝える。

かまくら-だいぶつ 【鎌倉大仏】

鎌倉市長谷(はせ)にある浄土宗の寺、高徳院の本尊阿弥陀如来坐像。銅造り。高さ八丈（11.5メートル）。奈良の大仏に次ぐ大きさ。1252年造仏。もと大仏殿があったがしばしば倒壊、1495年津波で流失後露座のまま現在に至る。長谷(はせ)の大仏。

かまくら 【鎌倉】

姓氏の一。

かまくら-アカデミア 【鎌倉―】

1946年（昭和21）鎌倉市材木座に創設された私立学園。三枝博音・林達夫らの教授陣を擁し、文部省の統制外にあって民主主義的教育を目指したが、財政難により廃校。

司馬遼太郎中学時代作文

讀這則新聞，想起以前讀過的{李叔同先生文集}。

他留日的作品，都還可以在學校（東京藝術大學？）圖書館中找到。

這也難怪他生前把些出版品寄贈日本。或許他知道，那塊土地會保留這些，而他自己的故土，可能種種因素將文物毀了。

司馬遼太郎さんの中学時代の作文を発見　大阪

2007年07月27日

　作家司馬遼太郎さん（１９２３～９６）が旧制上宮中学時代に書いた作文や後輩に贈る言葉が掲載された校友会雑誌が上宮学園（大阪市）で見つかり、２７ 日、司馬遼太郎記念館（大阪府東大阪市）に寄贈された。作文の題は「物干臺（ものほしだい）に立つて」。確認されている中で最も若い時の文章で、早熟な才 能をうかがわせる。

司馬遼太郎さんの中学校時代の作文が載った校友会雑誌「上宮」＝２７日、大阪府東大阪市の司馬遼太郎記念館で

　校友会雑誌は５月に上宮学園の図書館で見つかった。「物干臺に立つて」は中学１年だった１９３６年１２月に掲載。「祝日の大国旗がはたはたと風を食つて 動いてゐる。そのまはりを赤い弱々しい蜻蛉（とんぼ）が二三匹飛んでゐる」などと、当時大阪市浪速区にあった自宅から眺めた警察署や小学校などの光景を約 ４００字で描写。教師による「素早い観察の中にも無邪気な空想が乗せてある」という評が書かれている。

　後輩への言葉は、４１年３月に掲載。「希望は天上にあり、実行は脚下にあり　後生須（すべか）らく実行の人たれ」。いずれも本名の福田定一（ていいち）の名で書かれている。

　同記念館の上村洋行館長は「まず地に足をつけて物事を眺め、次に全体像を俯瞰（ふかん）する司馬さんの考え方の片鱗（へんりん）が表れている」と話している。１０月２８日まで同記念館（０６・６７２６・３８６０）で公開される。

上宮學園 圖書館

司馬遼太郎文庫

Shiba Ryoutarou Bunko

司馬遼太郎文庫　－　蔵書紹介

　「司馬遼太郎文庫」は、閲覧室入口を入ってすぐ右側の書架にあります。昭和の国民作家、司馬遼太郎氏の作品と司馬氏の関連図書を蒐集した文庫で す。冊数は現在、全部で750冊。この内、600冊ほどを展示、閲覧、貸出をしています。図書館に司馬文庫ができた機縁は、昭和３５年、司馬氏が直木賞を 受賞されたことに始まります。同窓会が主催する祝賀会が学園の会議室で催されました。この時、同窓会は集まったお祝いのお金を元に当時出版されていた司馬 氏の小説を全部五冊づつ購入することに決定しました。このとき購入された図書が後に「司馬文庫」の根幹を成す図書となりました。加えて、平成三年頃から、 司馬氏は図書館にご著作を寄贈してくださることになり、ご本の寄贈は氏が亡くなってからは、奥様の福田みどり氏に受け継がれ、現在も続いています。寄贈い ただいた図書はすでに二百冊を超過しています。まさしく「司馬遼太郎文庫」は氏と奥様の十数年にわたる学園、図書館に向けられた稀有な愛情が結実したもの といえます。図書館は「司馬遼太郎文庫」のより一層の充実をめざして努力していきたいと思っています。

司馬遼太郎

司馬　遼太郎　（シバ・リョウタロウ）
【本　名】　福田定一　
【現　職】　小説家
【卒業年度】　１９４１年卒業　・　旧中２５期　
【　賞　】　『梟の城』で直木賞　受賞
　　　　　　　１９８１年　芸術院会員　選出
　　　　　　　１９９３年　文化勲章　受賞
【代表作】　『竜馬がゆく』　『坂の上の雲』　『国盗り物語』　『峠』 　
　　　　　　『新選組血風録』　『燃えよ剣』　『街道をゆく』他･多数

☆　昭和を代表する小説家であり、類まれな文明批評家でも あった。また日本だけではなく、世界の辺境をめぐって書 いた『街道をゆく』はその該博な知識と、歴史と人間を見通 す司馬史観は亡くなって１０年が経過した今も多くの読者の 支持を得ている。

☆ 　司馬遼太郎氏は母校の上宮学園のために『司馬遼太郎全集』 全巻・『街道をゆく』全巻、加えて、新刊書を継続的に図書館 に寄贈していただいた。また氏が亡くなってからも、氏の遺志 は引き継がれ、現在も奥様の福田みどり様より継続して新刊を 寄贈していただいています。図書館では寄贈していただいた 図書を中心に「司馬遼太郎文庫」を設けており、文庫の総数は、 現在７５０冊を超えている。また「司馬遼太郎文庫」は常時、生 徒・教職員に閲覧・貸出しされている。 　

「司馬遼太郎文庫」作品紹介

　 第２回『一夜官女』　　昭和４３年発行　初版　東方社

【初　出】　
　昭和３７年2月「講談倶楽部」掲載
【執筆年齢】　
　３９歳
【小説の舞台と時代】　
　摂津野里村、戦国時代
【あらすじ】　
　野里村の年寄りたちに旅の途中の小若は明日、明神の一夜官女になってほしいと懇願される。一晩こもり堂で寝るだけだという。小若は承諾し、こもり堂に入 ると、闇の中に男が寝ていた。 岩見重太郎だった。後に小若は大坂の冬の陣で鬼神のごとき働きをし、討ち死にした岩見重太郎のウワサを聞く。戦国の世を生 き抜いた男と一人の女性の一夜の淡い恋を描いた佳品。
【司馬遼太郎文庫】　
　今はめったに見られない東方社の司馬作品を『一夜官女』以外も「司馬文庫」はいくつか所蔵している。『喧嘩早雲』『豚と薔薇』などがそうだが、いづれも初版の貴重な本である。　　　
【参考図書】
　別冊歴史読本　『司馬遼太郎全作品大事典』　

　　第1回『竜馬がゆく』　　全５巻　昭和４３年発行　　文藝春秋

【初　出】　
　昭和３７年６月２１日～昭和４１年５月２１日付「産経新聞」連載
【執筆年齢】　
　３８～４２歳
【受　賞】　
　本作品と『国盗り物語』で昭和４１年菊池寛賞。
【小説の舞台と時代】　
　土佐・京都・江戸・長崎・長州・幕末 　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　薩長同盟を実現した坂本竜馬の出生から、３３歳で暗殺されるまでの激動の人生を描いた作品。永遠の 青春賛歌。
【映像化】　
　昭和４３年ＮＨＫ大河ドラマ化・昭和４５年映画『幕末』の原案
【司馬遼太郎文庫】　
　文藝春秋の全５巻本が５セット揃っている。発行されて４０年になんなんとしているが、まだ現役で頑張っている。毎年、図書館では十人はこの本で「司馬中毒」にかかる。
【参考図書】
　別冊歴史読本　『司馬遼太郎全作品大事典』 　

西門子為日本企業借鏡

為什麼將德國公司的醜聞故事放在"日本 心得帖"呢?

一來西方英文採用日本切腹自殺的典故
二來類似的事件在NEC等公司
又譬如說日本的諸多圍標等
都有小規模的醜聞
其實那可能沒像美國的嚴格要求

德國著名高科技公司西門子腐敗醜聞一波未平，一波又起。更為嚴重的是，該公司多名高管繼續阻撓相關調查

7月1日，西門子董事會新主席、奧地利 人彼德.勒舍爾（Peter Löscher）走馬上任時宣佈，他將全力澄清公司腐敗案，使西門子儘快重整旗鼓。然而，根據受權進行相關調查的美國德普 (Debeboise & Plimpton ；應該是Debevoise & Plimpton )律師事務所的報告，西門子經理層一直試圖阻撓調查。不僅如此，圍繞該公司，又出現新醜聞。西門子監事會 日前責成勒舍爾迅速採取措施，解決這一問題。

據“南德意志報”和“德國金融時報”報導，西門子審計部門新近在調查工作中碰到一筆遠遠超過迄今所曝光的賄金數額。公司在公佈上季度報告時承認，賄金數額明顯高於2006財政年度結束時所調查出的數字。迄今，西門子公司所公佈的賄金數額是4.2億歐元。

新黑帳

據“南德意志報”稱，德普律師事務所顯然也在西門子的電力部門發現了黑金。美國律師們向西門子監事會報告說，流經設在列支敦士登的黑帳號的賄金數量超過1億歐元。此前，賄金醜聞只限於西門子電信部門，而現在，受到調查的部門已擴展至5個。

對相關調查從中作梗的有奧地利和希臘的西門子分 公司。這兩家分公司作為黑金重鎮在西門子貪污網中具有舉足輕重的作用。此外，比利時西門子分公司也試圖阻礙調查。“德國金融時報”和“南德意志報”報導 說，西門子在比利時以及在亞洲和非洲的分公司經理們拒絕向德普公司律師們提供詢問機會和審計材料。經理們沒有執行勒舍爾所提出的“從快、從快、再從快”的 要求。

監事會擔心

德普律師事務所的報告使西門子監事會深為震驚。 監事會主席克羅姆對“南德意志報”表示，他不會容忍某些公司高管的所作所為，將對之採取堅決措施。多名監事會成員們同時強調，公司總裁勒舍爾責無旁貸，必 須打破對調查的阻撓，儘快徹查醜聞。監事會擔心，如果德普律師事務所的工作繼續受到杯葛，美國證券交易委員會有可能對西門子實施更為嚴厲的懲罰。

作為在美國上市的一家德國公司，西門子也受到美國有關當局的監督。公司於2006年底委託德普律師事務所，對全公司的賄金及其它可能的不軌行為進行調查。

德普的律師們與美國證券交易委員會和美國司法部的關係具有不可忽視的作用。

Falls on His Sword and Decapitated

分類：品質與社會

2007/04/23 23:45

「Siemens's board chairman said he would step down, as fallout from mounting corruption scandals at the German engineering firm escalated.

西門子腐敗醜聞深化－監事長馮必樂辭職德國西門子集團監事會主席馮必樂因公司腐敗醜聞引咎辭職。週四晚間，西門子集團以書面形式向上市的證券交易所遞交的相關聲明。據稱，馮必樂將在下週三監事會的會議上宣佈辭職。自從西門子集團爆出行賄醜聞之後，馮必樂受到很大的壓力。西門子的黑金帳戶就是在馮必樂擔任公司總裁期間設立的。德國之聲記者報導如下。」

Quality Times No.106, Apr.22, 07；品質時報第106期：07年4月22日(週日).

這新聞BusinessWeek的標題：Siemens' Von Pierer Falls on His Sword

這Falls on His Sword 源自「切腹自殺」，引伸義為辭職。

Fall on your sword

Meaning

Commit suicide or offer your resignation.

Origin

This expression is the anglicized version of hara-kiri - the Japanese samurai custom of committing suicide by disembowelment with a sword rather than face the dishonour of surrender. The highly ritualized and formal hara-kiri suicide - literally 'belly cut', is no longer performed. It has been known about in the West since the mid 19th century and was referred to in 1856 in Harper's Magazine in the title of an article - "Hari-kari of Japan". It that piece Harper's used, and possibly originated, the common misspelling 'hari-kari'.

The more recent anglicized version has only ever been used figuratively. For example, 'falling on his sword' might be used to describe someone who takes personal responsibility for a group action and resigns his post.

*

CRISIS DEEPENS AT SIEMENS AS KLEINFELD QUITS AS CHIEF

By Richard Milne in London

Thursday, April 26, 2007

Siemens was thrown deeper into turmoil yesterday after Klaus Kleinfeld said he would resign as chief executive of Europe's largest engineering group before the end of the summer.

The move means the leadership of the German industrial group has been decapitated. It has lost both of its top officials in a matter of days amid the biggest corporate corruption scandal in Germany.

A successor to Mr Kleinfeld has not been chosen yet, but people close to the supervisory board said a several candidates from outside the company were being spoken to.

地震考驗日本人對於核能電廠安全之信心 真正深入的改革行得通嗎

地震考驗日本對於核能電廠的安全之信心

政治方面日本難消受 所以開放國際核能檢驗

而產業對於及時供應制度仍信心滿滿

【共同社7月19日電】號稱世界最大功率的日本東京電力公司柏崎刈羽核電站在新潟縣中越近海地震後被迫全面停止運轉。核電站還發生了放射性物質洩漏等事故，恢復運轉遙遙無期，嚴重動搖了“安全神話”。

【共同社7月26日電】有關柏崎刈羽核電站在新潟中越近海 地震中受損一事，日本東京電力公司副社長武黑一郎25日在位於東京的駐日外國記者協會出席了記者會，他就一系列事故的經過和今後的應對措施進行了解釋。武 黑重申“洩漏的放射性物質屬微量”，但在場記者接二連三地提出了尖銳的問題。
　　當主持人介紹到武黑曾於2001年～04年期間擔任該核電站所長時，記者們的提問紛紛集中在東京電力就放射性物質洩漏情況向政府遞交的報告以及向當地居民公開事故信息等都出現延誤的問題上。武黑表示，“信息收集工作滯後導致當地各位憂心忡忡，對此我們深表歉意。”

日本核能專家東京大學教授班目春樹指出，受到新潟縣中越外海大地震的影響，發生許多問題的東京電力公司柏崎刈羽核電廠如果要恢復運轉的話，最快也需等到明年秋天以後。該核電廠若遲遲無法恢復運轉的話，日本不只是今年夏天，明年夏天也勢必面臨供電不足的窘況。

Asia.view

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安倍改革計劃或因參議院改選受阻

2007年07月24日11:38

日本首相安倍晉三(Shinzo Abe)的權力看起來會在定於本週日舉行的日本參議院改選中被削弱﹐從而將拖纍他對缺乏效率的日本產業進行改革的努力。

就在選舉即將舉行之際﹐安倍內閣的民眾支持率卻只有30%左右。分析師預測﹐安倍領導的自民黨及其聯盟黨派難保參議院多數席位。

如果自民黨在此次國會選舉中嚴重失利﹐安倍則可能要引咎辭職。但日本參議院的權力有限﹐如果僅丟掉少量席位和多數派地位﹐可能並不意味著安倍會下台。多數分析師認為﹐安倍將能夠繼續其首相生涯。

不過﹐即使安倍沒有下台﹐他也會失去很大一部分權力。由於參議院可以封殺大多數法案﹐安倍政府通過新法案將遭遇更多困難。政府在放鬆監管、執行自由貿易協定和制定其他政策方面的努力都會因此受阻﹐而這些都是經濟學家認為在人口減少的環境下讓日本經濟繁榮起來的必要措施。

瑞士銀行(UBS)經濟學家Takashi Omori表示﹐如果自民黨領導的執政聯盟丟掉參議院多數派地位﹐很長時間之後才會重新出現一個強勢政府。今後一段時間內﹐政府很有可能無法作出重大決策。

如 果安倍執政聯盟如預期中那樣失去參議院多數派地位﹐那麼為挫敗自民黨而聯合起來的反對派將實力大增。日本參議院242席中的121席此次將進行改選﹐自民 黨可能要贏得其中51席才能保住多數派地位。如果自民黨僅丟掉很少的席位﹐則仍可以通過招攬其他黨派議員來保住多數派地位。

如果選舉結果非常糟糕﹐或者說自民黨贏得的席位還不到40個﹐安倍很可能被迫辭職。接替他的人選中﹐對現任外務大臣麻生太郎(Taro Aso)的呼聲最高。麻生太郎同樣支持放鬆監管和降低稅率﹐但他是一位經驗更加豐富的政客﹐在開展工作方面可能會更有效率。

Sebastian Moffett (wsj)

After the quake, the fallout

Jul 25th 2007
From Economist.com

Could Japan’s earthquake spur reform?

THE earthquake that struck northern Japan on July 16th destroyed hundreds of buildings, injured 1,000 people and killed a dozen. The physical damage of the quake, in the Niigata prefecture and measuring 6.8 on the Richter scale, is easy to assess. But the quake’s biggest impact in the long term may be if it helps shake up Japan’s traditional culture of business and politics.

It was not the finest week for Japanese business. Following the quake, carmakers such as Toyota, Honda and Nissan found that their system of “lean”, just-in-time manufacturing, called kanban, made them over-reliant on a single parts supplier. They and many others were forced to stop production for a few days for want of a $1.50 piston ring and other small but highly specialised parts made by Riken, a big parts supplier whose factory in the region was damaged. Toyota, for instance, saw all 12 of its domestic car factories closed for days because it was dependent on Riken. The delivery of more than 50,000 cars will be delayed, although Toyota said its sales target of 9.3m cars for 2007 remains unchanged. Japan’s post-war model of close relationships between manufacturers and their partners, so useful in good times, was exposed as impractical in the face of a problem.

The earthquake also exposed a troublesome political culture: loose oversight of certain sectors, in this case, that most sensitive industry, nuclear power. Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) disclosed that the quake shook a huge storage tank at their Kashiwazaki-Kariwa nuclear-power facility with such force that it released over 1,000 litres of radioactive contaminated water into the Sea of Japan. Immediately following the quake, however, TEPCO said nothing—even as Japanese television programmes broadcast smoke billowing from part of a reactor, for what later turned out to be a minor electrical fire.

The country’s meteorological agency recently came out and said that TEPCO’s facility may have been built atop an active fault line. And contrary to expectations, it was not constructed to withstand a major quake. Company officials say the level of radioactivity that was released is small and not harmful. Yet TEPCO’s handling of the spill sowed distrust among the public, already jittery from a spate of nuclear-power safety scandals in recent years.

ReutersAll shook up

Concern over the breakdown of Japan’s carmakers and the radioactive spill has pushed forward troubling, broader questions about the economy and official accountability, already controversial issues ahead of elections for the upper house on July 29th. Though the economy boasts around 2.5% GDP growth and big companies are profitable after years of lacklustre performance, the achievements have not been shared widely. Small- and medium-sized companies—which account for more than two-thirds of the country’s employment—have felt an economic pinch. For the average Japanese, there has been little improvement in his standard of living. Little wonder that consumer spending remains meagre.

At the same time, distrust of officials is high. Shinzo Abe, the prime minister, has had to fight off accusations that members of his cabinet fiddled their expenses. And his government was shaken by the recent disclosure that pension records for as many as 50m citizens are flawed due to computer problems dating back more than a decade—a situation hushed by successive bureaucrats until it was exposed. With Mr Abe’s approval ratings below 30%, analysts are predicting a harsh defeat for his ruling Liberal Democratic Party, which would put pressure on the prime minister to resign.

With the quake further fuelling a general mood of distrust, Mr Abe adopted a voice of moral authority, chastising TEPCO and noting that it is “vital” that the company provide “accurate and timely accounts”. This marked a refreshing break from the past—when nuclear accidents were kept quiet by industry and government—and suggests that Japanese leaders have learned from their mistakes. Indeed, Japan initially rejected an offer from the International Atomic Energy Agency to inspect the recent damage, but this week agreed to accept its services for what one official called “international co-operation and information sharing”. In a country that lacks natural resources and frets it is losing the race for energy security, confidence in the safety of nuclear power, which supplies around one-third of Japan’s electricity, is crucial. The question of safety is fresh in the public mind: in 2003 TEPCO was required temporarily to close all its reactors after it submitted false safety data.

Less than one week after the earthquake, things appear to be returning to normal. Car production lines are humming again and the government has shut the reactor until its safety can be assured. But whether the deeper issues that surfaced will be addressed by Japan’s business and political elites is far less clear. Earthquakes are regular occurrences in Japan. Reform, however, is not.

Towels used to mop up nuke spill

07/26/2007

BY HIDEYUKI MIURA, THE ASAHI SHIMBUN

KASHIWAZAKI, Niigata Prefecture--When reporters entered the quake-damaged Tokyo Electric Power Co. (TEPCO) nuclear reactor building here Wednesday, the scene was rather primitive.

Workers wipe up radioactive water with paper towels Wednesday in the No. 6 reactor building at the Kashiwazaki-Kariwa Nuclear Power Plant in Niigata Prefecture. At right is the spent nuclear fuel storage pool. At left, the reactor containment vessel is covered by a sheet. Bags filled with used paper towels are in the foreground.(TAKAHARU YAGI/ THE ASAHI SHIMBUN)

Armed with paper towels, workers wearing protective clothing were wiping up radioactive water that had overflowed from a spent nuclear fuel storage pool when the magnitude 6.8 earthquake hit Niigata Prefecture on July 16.

Radioactive water spilled from a pool inside the No. 6 reactor building at the Kashiwazaki-Kariwa Nuclear Power Plant. It then leaked into the Sea of Japan through drainage ditches.

The overflow was in the operating floor area, where workers offload the nuclear fuel.

The used paper towels--containing radioactive water--were placed in clear plastic bags and stacked nearby. More than 100 full bags were already piled there.

Near the spent nuclear fuel pool was a second, outer concrete lid used to cover the reactor containment vessel, which is already sealed with another lid. The outer lid is 2 meters thick and weighs 700 tons.

On the ceiling directly above the reactor containment vessel, a 310-ton crane dangled. It is used to maneuver the outer lid into place. The crane broke during the earthquake.

When the temblor hit, the No. 6 reactor was being readied for inspections prior to its scheduled restart at the end of July.

The jolt occurred just before the outer lid was to be lifted onto the reactor housing. The reactor had already been loaded with nuclear fuel. The reactor containment vessel is now covered with a temporary dust sheet.

The crane measures 35 meters by 12 meters, and is 6 meters thick. Its rotating axis broke just as the crane was positioned above the container. TEPCO officials said repairs on the crane cannot begin as long as aftershocks continue.

Another strong aftershock hit Wednesday at 6:52 a.m., just before reporters were to enter the building. That temblor registered an intensity of 4 in Nagaoka and 3 in Kashiwazaki.

There is no way to confirm the condition of the sealed reactor, but TEPCO officials said they believe the fuel rods are undamaged. "The amount of radioactivity in the water circulating around the fuel rods is not at abnormal levels, our tests show," TEPCO said.(IHT/Asahi: July 26,2007)